The Conservative Coterie Behind Trump’s Second-Term Agenda
A small group of loyalists is influencing his campaign policy plans, as many past top aides have broken with the former president
Trump’s former trade representative and White House budget director, respectively, are part of a cadre of allies helping him shape policy proposals across a range of topics, laying the groundwork for what would be an aggressive and controversial second-term agenda.
The group—which also includes Stephen Miller, driver of hard-line immigration policies, former Housing Secretary Ben Carson and John Ratcliffe, former director of national intelligence, among others—is stocked with veterans of Trump’s first term who are closely aligned with his vision of protectionist economic policies and an isolationist approach to foreign policy.
They are likely to take key administration roles should Trump win the election, according to the campaign, which has worked to counter speculation over Trump’s inner circle and policy-formulation process.
Importantly for Trump, these figures have stuck by him following his loss to President Biden in 2020, unlike the many past cabinet officials and other top aides who now oppose him. Trump’s first term was marked by dissension, with policy disagreements and personality clashes leading to heated Oval Office arguments and damaging leaks to reporters.
In contrast, aides say, the current group of Trump confidantes is on the same page. Whether such harmony could be preserved in an actual second Trump administration—which would include hundreds more aides and a full cabinet—is less clear.
Many of Trump’s ideas reflect “America First” policies he sought in his first term, and Trump has the benefit of relying on that experience to update and add to that platform.
An expanded version of his controversial ban on immigrants from many Muslim-majority countries is back on the table, and he has promised the largest-ever deportation of migrants who are in the country illegally. To tackle crime in cities, Trump has suggested sending in the military. He has also proposed expansive new federal government initiatives such as building “freedom cities” on federal land and launching “anti-woke” universities.
Trump’s policy development, like much of what he has brought to government, is unorthodox—a mix of his gut instincts and working style. He eschews traditional meetings and flowcharts, aides say, and instead draws on his experience in business and direct conversations with an extended network of contacts of longtime friends, CEOs and people he has met in politics. He often pits one viewpoint against another, a hallmark of his first tenure in office.
Flights to and from campaign events have turned into policy huddles with staff and are where Trump reads articles, instructing aides to get someone on the phone when they land or the following day, according to people involved in the discussions.
His policy agenda has excited core supporters while alarming Democrats and some Republicans.
“He’s been pretty clear in saying he will use the levers of government to go after his political opponents, which is anathema to conservatives,” said Marc Short, who served in the Trump administration and was a top adviser to former Vice President Mike Pence’s presidential campaign. Short said Trump’s 2016 platform appealed to the party in part by focusing on appointing conservative judges and cutting taxes.
Other key people Trump and his team are in regular communication with over policy ideas—and who could take important administration roles—include the following:
- Kevin Hassett, former chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers and a leading champion of Trump’s 2017 tax-cut package
- Tom Homan, former acting director of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, who advocated for Trump’s hard-line policies
- Brandon Judd, president of the National Border Patrol Council, the union representing border agents
- Keith Kellogg, former national security adviser to Pence, who this summer threw his support behind Trump
- Matt Whitaker, former acting attorney general, who took over after Jeff Sessions was forced out of the job
The Trump campaign shared these names with The Wall Street Journal as a larger constellation of conservative groups have touted connections to a future administration. Campaign officials have been frustrated by time spent reacting to speculation about who is driving Trump’s ideas, and who else might serve Trump if he wins, issuing a pair of statements in recent weeks cautioning against reading too closely into what others are saying and bashing “selfish efforts by ‘desk hunters.’ ”
“Let us be very specific here: Unless a message is coming directly from President Trump or an authorized member of his campaign team, no aspect of future presidential staffing or policy announcements should be deemed official,” one of the memos read.
The statements come as some pro-Trump figures have generated their own headlines, promising a scorched-earth pursuit of perceived enemies in the government and media, echoing some of Trump’s rhetoric but falling outside the confines of a campaign that has tried to keep control of the message.
Trump himself still makes bombastic assertions on social media and sometimes floats policy ideas that make some Republicans squeamish. He recently said he was looking at alternatives to the Affordable Care Act, the signature Obama-era policy, but hasn’t yet provided details. Democrats seized the opportunity to highlight an attack on a program that has grown more popular with time.
Trump has also conferred with a host of others who don’t have formal roles with the campaign, including former House Speaker Newt Gingrich, Stephen Moore, an economic adviser to Trump’s 2016 campaign, and former senior White House officials Kellyanne Conway, Larry Kudlow and Steve Bannon.
Directing Trump’s policy team is Vince Haley, a 57-year-old veteran of conservative causes who worked in the first Trump White House as a speechwriter. “All of this is setting up the conditions so that when we have a victory next November, we’re going to be able to move quickly and effectively,” Haley said.
For now, it is working. A recent Journal poll shows Trump crushing the GOP primary field and beating Biden in a hypothetical matchup.
Trump has the benefit of having served one term and, unlike when he ran in 2016, he now has dozens of endorsements from lawmakers. Depending on who controls Congress, those allies could help parts of his agenda move more smoothly.
Among those Trump has grown close with is Sen. J.D. Vance of Ohio, who has advocated for Republicans to push economic policies that appeal to working-class voters. Vance said at The Wall Street Journal’s CEO Council Summit this week that he has spoken to Trump often but hasn’t discussed serving in his administration in any capacity.
Trump’s campaign has also developed a relationship with Rep. Gary Palmer (R., Ala.), chairman of the Republican Policy Committee, and has been discussing energy matters.
Trump’s pledge to reverse Biden’s electric-vehicle policies were spurred, in part, his campaign said, by a conversation he had with Rep. Lisa McClain (R., Mich.) during a flight in June. McClain talked to him about how auto workers fear that the transition from gasoline-powered cars will lead to fewer jobs, prompting Trump in September to hold an event near Detroit in a play for support from striking United Auto Workers.
His plans include plunging deeper into protectionist trade policies, suggesting a universal baseline tariff rate of 10% on most imported goods. He also wants to revoke China’s permanent normal trade relations status.
“You will see a much more focused policy on China,” said Lighthizer, who implemented Trump’s vision in the first term. “You’ll see a much more worker-oriented policy, much more bringing jobs home.” He credited Trump for outlining his plans in detail and putting them to video, arguing the former president, if he wins, can say, “This is a mandate of the American people.”
Hassett recalled “bloody battles in the Roosevelt Room” between him and Lighthizer over Trump’s early foray into tariffs, with the president and his trade representative pushing for them against Hassett and others. But over time an understanding grew. That continuity has continued with Trump’s new team, he said. “It’s a pretty well-oiled machine compared to the beginning.”
Write to Alex Leary at alex.leary@wsj.com